In addition to its chaotic economic state, the Weimar Republic had many political problems; that is, problems within the structure of the government, or within the political landscape of the people, which directly removed the opposition, or led to resentment of the German people towards the government, which contributed to the rise of Hitler . We say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an Original Essay To begin with, the German parliament had many different parties involved. There were 7 major parties and other minor parties. The number of parties meant that the Reichstag would not be able to make decisions effectively, as there were many conflicting opinions between the different parties. This resulted in the need for a grand coalition between groups of parties; however, this could not be achieved due to “disagreements on economic and social issues between the SPD and the liberal parties” as well as “foreign policy differences between the DNVP and the Center and the DVP” (Williamson, 160). As a result, this gave rise to the growth of special-interest parties that claimed to create a united Germany, like Hitler's party. Then, aided by his propaganda showing the flaws of democracy and his strong patriotic values outlined in Mein Kampf and speeches, he was able to encourage a united Germany in a time of division. Hitler managed to gain great support from people affected by the economic crisis who believed that the current government was ineffective in solving economic problems. Specifically, the Weimar Republic had its own constitution called the Constitution of the German Reich. This document included many reforms that contributed to the welfare state, such as state-run education, as well as greater rights for workers such as the right to form unions and improve working conditions. While this sounds good, the Weimar Republic's new constitution “proved to be an increasingly costly burden on its finances” (Williamson, 160). In a time of prosperity, this may be feasible; however, Germany in the 1920s was unable to sustain such costly policies due to its economic burdens, such as inflation, reparations, and strikes that caused revenue losses for the German government. The welfare state also caused problems for employers, especially in the heavy coal, steel and iron industries. These employers were “anxious to cut wages and weaken unions in an attempt to revive production” (Williamson, 178), leading to a desire to remove the welfare state, which in a democratic system seemed impossible, resulting in greater support in an authoritarian ruler, like Hitler, whose propaganda claimed the inefficiency of the current democratic government. Secondly, the distribution of votes in Germany was becoming increasingly radical due to economic problems, leading people to adopt two ideologies, and socialism was an emerging and attractive concept; Workers' strikes were not uncommon in industrial areas such as the Ruhr, where 20,000 people had turned out for demonstrations during the Ruhr Uprising of 1920. However, the left had little representation in the Reichstag, as the Democratic Socialist Party was "not willing to enter the government without the collaboration of its sister socialist party, the Independent Socialist Party". Furthermore, the Independent Socialist Party refused to join a government that was not fully socialist. Then, in 1922, when the DSP, the German socialist party, disbanded, many of its voters turned to the NSDAP. So even ifsocialism was a growing force among the people, could not establish a government due to party conditions, effectively removing Hitler's left-wing opposition. On the other side of the political spectrum there were many people in the Weimar Republic, generally middle and upper class, who were terrified of the socialist revolution in Germany. The Bolshevik Revolution had an international effect of creating fear in communism, which Hitler exploited in his politics. In Mein Kampf, Hitler associated communism and Bolshevism with the Jew, which had an “explosive political effect” (Nolte, 419), as it provided an appeal to nationalists who feared a local communist revolution. Furthermore, the Weimar government itself was not well received by the population. Alfred Hugenberg, who was a successful media owner and politician, controlled much of the media to express his hatred for the Weimar government which had lost a war and surrendered at the Treaty of Versailles. In the 1920s individual chancellors/key figures were also hated for a variety of reasons. In 1920-1921, Chancellor Constantin Fehrenbach's cabinet consisted of 5 members from the center parties, 3 from the nationalist parties, another 2 from the German Democratic Party and finally Goerner and Simons, both non-partisan (Davidson, 154). This government was weak and, due to conflict of interest, was inefficient and unstable, in line with the narrative that Hitler was spreading in his rallies and other forms of propaganda, causing resentment in many people who agreed with this opinion . Gustav Stresemann was undoubtedly “One of the most impressive figures in German politics” (Davidson, 201). It was he who stopped the hyperinflation of the mark by creating a new currency, the Rentenmark. After becoming Foreign Minister, he also had a policy of fulfillment, the idea that Germany would never be relieved of its reparations and general social, political and economic chaos, unless Germany was able to fulfill the allies and the rest of the world. . Stresemann achieved fulfillment through both the Dawes Plan in 1924 and the Young Plan in 1929. The Dawes Plan explained that French and British occupation in the Ruhr was causing economic damage and, if reparations had to be paid, Allied occupation it had to end. The Young Plan provided for a further 20% reduction in the amount of compensation to be paid and the split of annual payments. The Allies accepted both of these plans, thus achieving Stresemann's goal of implementation. While his actions greatly benefited the economic state of the Weimar Republic, the countries' nationalists detested his compliance with the allies and the Treaty of Versailles, calling him a “traitor and chief enemy of his people” (Davidson, 274). He was also frowned upon by both the far right and the left. On the right Stresemann was hated for his renunciation of “passive resistance in the Ruhr”, and on the left for “the invasion of Saxony and for allowing Crown Prince Wilhelm to return to Germany from exile”. This is a demonstration of the historical concept of perspective, since, in hindsight, Stresemann was of great help to the economic state of Germany, but was seen as an evil traitor by the people. Bruning, Chancellor from 1930 to 1932, was nicknamed the “Hunger Chancellor” because his deflationary policies caused widespread poverty. The need for a strong and confident leader who could rebuild Germany was exemplified in Hitler's rallies and propaganda, for excerpts from the reports of soldiers who listened to the talks show that Hitler made a very favorable impression on his listeners” (Davidson, 125 ). Subsequently, the German culture of this.
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